Thomas More Institute

for a more informed ethical engagement in public and professional life

Words that think for us - Edward Skidelsky

The word ‘values’ is nowadays in widespread use after being adopted by philosophers for ‘moral, aesthetic or practical evaluation’ in the late 19th century. The word originally referred to the process of pricing or estimating the worth of an object and has, wrongly argues the author, largely replaced the use of ‘virtues’. This has significant effects: whereas the latter are inherent, values are ‘rooted in the act of valuing’ and consequently mask the value relativism and subjectivism of an argument as ‘anything can become a value…by being valued’.

© Prospect Magazine (London)

E. D. Hirsch's Curriculum for Democracy - Sol Stern

E. D. Hirsch Jr., an American educational thinker, conducted an experiment to assess why some students were better at reading and writing than others on entering university. He concluded that ability to understand and analyse advanced texts can be traced to the background knowledge in other subjects, such as history, arts and science. Contrary to current trends in education policy – where ‘progressive’ themes of teaching children how to learn prevail – Hirsch’s results show that schools should impart a core body of knowledge. This, in the view of Hirsch and the author, is the only ‘avenue of opportunity for disadvantaged children’ and is required to create virtuous, responsible citizens who can preserve and protect civic and democratic institutions.

© City Journal (New York City)

Words that think for us - Edward Skidelsky

In pursuit of political correctness and to avoid any moral judgment, our culture seeks to establish a new, neutralised language. As an example, the author points out that ‘improper’ and ‘indecent’ have been replaced by ‘inappropriate’ and ‘unacceptable’. The former words express moral judgments, whereas the latter merely imply breaches of convention. The author suggests that ‘[as] liberal pluralists, we seek only adherence to rules of the game, not agreement on fundamentals’. Instead of espousing openness vis-à-vis our judgments – thus allowing them to be controverted – our new language hides its moralism behind a veil of ‘bureaucratic neutrality’.

© Prospect Magazine (London)

Labor's Attack on Conscience - Julian McGauran

When the Abortion Law Reform Act, which is arguably the most liberal in the world, was introduced in Victoria, Australia, the impacts on medical practitioners were immediate. Firstly, doctors who object to abortion are now forced to refer patients to other doctors who are willing to perform such acts and are, secondly, compelled to undertake abortions when ‘[it] is necessary to preserve the life of the pregnant woman’. The right of medical professionals to exercise their own ethical judgment has been thoroughly restricted, which violates Victorian and international human rights. The author views this as changing the moral ‘tenets of [Australian] society’ and as a direct attack on the Catholic healthcare system. Moreover, it reflects the deep influence of the pro-abortion lobby on the Labor Party.

© Quadrant Magazine (Sydney)

All in the Family - Gerard V. Bradley

Proponents of same-sex marriage often make their argument on the basis of equality. There is no rational foundation, they would claim, for denying same-sex couples the recognition and benefits enjoyed by married opposite-sex couples. On this reading, marriage is reduced to a mere manifestation of adult satisfactions. The author suggests that one way to counter such arguments is to illustrate coherently that marriage is a procreative relationship. Traditional marriage law is based on procreation because children embody and reflect the union of their parents (‘two-of-them-as-one-flesh’). This, in turn, creates the unbreakable chords of the ‘matrix of familial equality, mutuality, and common identity’ upon which family life (love, duty, loyalty, care-giving) depends.

© ThePublicDiscourse.com

Philosophy and the Embryo - Christopher O. Tollefsen

The article explores the relationship between philosophy and the natural sciences, in particular embryology and developmental biology. Scientists in these two areas study the development of human organisms and their change from one state to another. When philosophers engage in these areas (‘philosophical embryology’) they do so on a theoretical basis. Therefore, they cannot, argues the author, offer any practical advice. This can be traced to the characteristics of philosophy. First, it ‘operates at a level of generality’ above what is appropriate for natural sciences. Second, because empirical sciences identify certain realities, philosophy should concern itself with questions that go ‘beyond what is given in experience’. Consequently, in search for truth and a resolution of moral and political questions, philosophers must concentrate on the dialectic of the issues and not attempt to answer scientific questions in terms of ‘values, interests, or pragmatic concerns’.

© ThePublicDiscourse.com

Economic Justice and the Spirit of Innovation - Edmund Phelps

The current debate on economic and financial reform assumes that man is strictly interested in optimising consumption and is risk-averse – a homo economicus, in other words. As such, economics as a tool in policymaking becomes a purely technical exercise and never touches on morality in its own right. However, this is inaccurate, argues the author, as humans possess a ‘restlessness of heart’ which drives them to innovate and take on risks in those endeavours. By facilitating our restlessness and directing it towards wealth creation (a socially beneficial end) there is a ‘morality of the marketplace itself’. Economics can help shape our institutions to correspond to our true human nature and correct failures that often occur in the market. This has wide implications for policymaking and requires us to acknowledge there is more to being human than distributing material goods.

© First Things (New York)

As Ireland prepares to once again vote on the Lisbon Treaty in early October, the ‘culture wars’ reminiscent of the 1980s are re-emerging. Recently, Bishop Noel Treanor stated that a Catholic could vote ‘yes’ on the treaty in good conscience. However, other interest groups, such as Coír, disagree. Highlighting that the EU might force the country to liberalise its abortion laws, Coír is winning popularity for the no-side among voters who embrace Catholic morality. Coír’s message also resonates with other Irish voters, many of whom carry a deep and long-running suspicion of elites and foreign involvement.

Free speech for me, but not for thee - The Economist

The first amendment of the American constitution unambiguously protects freedom of speech. Yet, through legislation pertaining to campaign finance, Congress has limited what certain groups can say at certain times. For example, unions and corporations are not allowed to finance political messages close to elections. Trying to contain the influence of money in politics might seem like a noble endeavour but it rarely works. Instead, it often protects incumbent politicians and still allows large media firms to broadcast their opinions. After hearings on September 4, the Supreme Court will, it is hoped, soon clarify the role of the federal government in regulating free speech and campaign finance.

© The Economist (London)

Human Rights and the Unborn - Angela Shanahan

With the death of the unborn, language varies with the situation. If a child dies during pregnancy following maternal illness the media speak of  'the unborn child'. In contrast, an aborted baby is most often called 'the foetus'. Inconsistency arises from denying the child a legal right to live in promoting the mother's legal right to abort. The author argues this to be invalid as the right to live must be most basic. This is reflected in international law (Universal Declaration of Human Rights; Declaration of the Rights of the Child) despite attempts to deny it and national legislation. Pro-abortionists have successfully set up their own charters and changed the notion of natural rights into 'a plethora of non-rights'. The wide-ranging effects are particularly acute internationally in bodies like the UN and its Population Fund (UNFPA).

© Quadrant Magazine (Sydney)